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Εμφάνιση αναρτήσεων με ετικέτα usa. Εμφάνιση όλων των αναρτήσεων
31 Ιανουαρίου 2019
12 Ιουνίου 2018
Joint Statement of President Donald J. Trump of the United States of America and Chairman Kim Jong Un of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea at the Singapore Summit
President
Trump and Chairman Kim Jong Un conducted a comprehensive, in-depth and
sincere exchange of opinions on the issues related to the establishment
of new US-DPRK relations and the building of a lasting and robust peace
regime on the Korean Peninsula. President Trump committed to provide
security guarantees to the DPRK, and Chairman Kim Jong Un reaffirmed his
firm and unwavering commitment to complete denuclearization of the
Korean Peninsula.
Convinced
that the establishment of new US-DPRK relations will contribute to the
peace and prosperity of the Korean Peninsula and of the world, and
recognizing that mutual confidence building cam promote the
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, President Trump and Chairman
Kim Jong Un state the following:
- The United States and the DPRK commit to establish new US-DPRK relations in accordance with the desire of the peoples of the two countries for peace and prosperity.
- The United States and DPRK will join their efforts to build a lasting and stable peace regime on the Korean Peninsula.
- Reaffirming the April 27, 2018 Panmunjom Declaration, the DPRK commits to work toward complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula
- The United States and the DPRK commit to recovering POW/MIA remains, including the immediate repatriation of those already identified.
Having
acknowledged that the US-DPRK summit -- the first in history -- was an
epochal event of great significance in overcoming decades of tensions
and hostilities between the two countries and for the opening up of a
new future, President Trump and Chairman Kim Jong Un commit to implement
the stipulations in the joint statement fully and expeditiously. The
United States and the DPRK commit to hold follow-on negotiations, led by
the US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, and a relevant high-level DPRK
official, at the earliest possible date, to implement the outcomes of
the US-DPRK summit.
President
Donald J. Trump of the United States of America and Chairman Kim Jong Un
of the State Affairs Commission of the Democratic People's Republic of
Korea have committed to cooperate for the development of new US-DPRK
relations and for the promotion of peace, prosperity, and the security
of the Korean Peninsula and of the world.
DONALD J. TRUMP
President of the United States of America
President of the United States of America
KIM JONG UN
Chairman of the State Affairs Commission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
Chairman of the State Affairs Commission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
June 12, 2018
Sentosa Island
Singapore
Sentosa Island
Singapore
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
ΣΧΟΛΙΟ Κων. Β. Κωνσταντάρα:
Εκτιμώ ότι οι ΗΠΑ άρχισαν να αποστερούν την Κίνα από βασικά ερείσματα.
Μετά τη Λιβύη, πιθανότατα άρχισε η "περίσφιξη" του μεγάλου τους αντιπάλου στον 21ο + αιώνα.
17 Ιουνίου 2017
Inside the hidden history of confederate memorials
It was largely women who led the drive to get their communities to embrace Civil War monuments.
—The city of New
Orleans has been busy evicting its Confederate monuments, sparking a
national debate over how Americans should remember the Civil War. One
thing has been nearly forgotten: the surprising hidden history of the
monuments themselves.
Their past is marked by female empowerment, massive denial, and a surprising twist linked to – of all things – the efficiency of American statue manufacturers. And oh yes, it's a myth that the soldier statues all face north toward the enemy.
Texas historian Kelly McMichael, a professor at American Public University, digs deep into world of Confederate monuments in her 2013 book Sacred Memories: The Civil War Monument Movement in Texas.
In an interview with the Monitor, McMichael explains how Confederate monuments came into being – they didn't pop up immediately after the war – and explores their meaning.
"Each community chooses the story it wants to tell about itself and how it defines its past," she says. "You can see that in what they choose as public art – how the decisions were made, who pushed for it. It shows how people represent themselves."
Q: It seems like the South has more Civil War monuments than the North. Is that true?
They may be more equal than you realize. You may not see them as much in New York City, but if you go into more rural areas in the North, you're going to see monuments in the county seats, often the exact same sculpture that you'd see in the South. It was common for a group in Vermont, say, to order the same statue as a group in Mississippi. They were mass produced, ordered from a catalog.
Q: Wait, so you'd see identical statues of Civil War soldiers on both sides of the Mason-Dixon line?
The inscriptions and the pedestals could be different since they might be made locally by a local stone cutter. But they'd order the statue parts from a catalog. It became a big business, and there were specific places that would sell these monuments of various styles.
Q: In your book, you track down dozens of large-scale Civil War monuments in Texas, including three that honor the Union. But they weren't generally built right after the war. Why not?
The bulk of Civil War monuments in Texas and the US, at least in the South, were erected between 1885 and 1915. The reason is economics. By that point, the South had recovered enough from the war that they could raise the funds required. The monuments in the North popped up earlier.
Q: Who pushed for the Confederate monuments?
Women generated the idea behind them.
These were women who would have been career people if that had been an opportunity. This was a way for them to be out in public and doing what they considered to be meaningful work. They'd host huge celebrations in honor of the monuments, and most of these would include female speakers, which was unusual at the time. Women had generated the idea and raised the money for it, so you could have women speaking in mixed audiences in the public.
Q: What message did they want to send about the war?
Over time, the message became associated with the Lost Cause, when Southerners tried to rewrite the reality of the war and say it was not about slavery but about states rights, that Southerners were upholding the Constitution.
It really was a rewriting of reality, one that was taught in the schools system in the South through the 1960s.
You see this in the aftermath of civil wars. The losers have to write a new story.
Q: How did this play out in the monuments themselves?
Initially the monuments were erected in cemeteries, and then people realized they could be a way to convey a message in public places like public parks. Many of the statues have specific statements on their pedestals or shafts that talk about states rights or upholding the Constitution, that these are true patriots.
Q: Do they all face north?
No. They're placed according to what's best for the locale. If they're on a courthouse square, they'll have chosen a corner for whatever reason, and they'll face out.
These are political and historical messaging machines, but they're also works of public art. They were meant to beautify the cities as part of the City Beautiful movement.
Q: What do you think should happen to Confederate monuments now?
In larger cities with large monuments, they have a responsibility to do one of two things: They have to erect more information that explains them, or they need to do what New Orleans did and move them into a place like a museum where a larger story can be told.
It's not acceptable to leave them and not have a counter story that explains what was going on at the time.
Their past is marked by female empowerment, massive denial, and a surprising twist linked to – of all things – the efficiency of American statue manufacturers. And oh yes, it's a myth that the soldier statues all face north toward the enemy.
Texas historian Kelly McMichael, a professor at American Public University, digs deep into world of Confederate monuments in her 2013 book Sacred Memories: The Civil War Monument Movement in Texas.
In an interview with the Monitor, McMichael explains how Confederate monuments came into being – they didn't pop up immediately after the war – and explores their meaning.
"Each community chooses the story it wants to tell about itself and how it defines its past," she says. "You can see that in what they choose as public art – how the decisions were made, who pushed for it. It shows how people represent themselves."
Q: It seems like the South has more Civil War monuments than the North. Is that true?
They may be more equal than you realize. You may not see them as much in New York City, but if you go into more rural areas in the North, you're going to see monuments in the county seats, often the exact same sculpture that you'd see in the South. It was common for a group in Vermont, say, to order the same statue as a group in Mississippi. They were mass produced, ordered from a catalog.
Q: Wait, so you'd see identical statues of Civil War soldiers on both sides of the Mason-Dixon line?
The inscriptions and the pedestals could be different since they might be made locally by a local stone cutter. But they'd order the statue parts from a catalog. It became a big business, and there were specific places that would sell these monuments of various styles.
Q: In your book, you track down dozens of large-scale Civil War monuments in Texas, including three that honor the Union. But they weren't generally built right after the war. Why not?
The bulk of Civil War monuments in Texas and the US, at least in the South, were erected between 1885 and 1915. The reason is economics. By that point, the South had recovered enough from the war that they could raise the funds required. The monuments in the North popped up earlier.
Q: Who pushed for the Confederate monuments?
Women generated the idea behind them.
These were women who would have been career people if that had been an opportunity. This was a way for them to be out in public and doing what they considered to be meaningful work. They'd host huge celebrations in honor of the monuments, and most of these would include female speakers, which was unusual at the time. Women had generated the idea and raised the money for it, so you could have women speaking in mixed audiences in the public.
Q: What message did they want to send about the war?
Over time, the message became associated with the Lost Cause, when Southerners tried to rewrite the reality of the war and say it was not about slavery but about states rights, that Southerners were upholding the Constitution.
It really was a rewriting of reality, one that was taught in the schools system in the South through the 1960s.
You see this in the aftermath of civil wars. The losers have to write a new story.
Q: How did this play out in the monuments themselves?
Initially the monuments were erected in cemeteries, and then people realized they could be a way to convey a message in public places like public parks. Many of the statues have specific statements on their pedestals or shafts that talk about states rights or upholding the Constitution, that these are true patriots.
Q: Do they all face north?
No. They're placed according to what's best for the locale. If they're on a courthouse square, they'll have chosen a corner for whatever reason, and they'll face out.
These are political and historical messaging machines, but they're also works of public art. They were meant to beautify the cities as part of the City Beautiful movement.
Q: What do you think should happen to Confederate monuments now?
In larger cities with large monuments, they have a responsibility to do one of two things: They have to erect more information that explains them, or they need to do what New Orleans did and move them into a place like a museum where a larger story can be told.
It's not acceptable to leave them and not have a counter story that explains what was going on at the time.
From the Christian Science Monitor
12 Μαρτίου 2017
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